Friday, July 09, 2004
Cultures of United States Imperialism - Important Extracts
| http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&se=ggl&docId=10647018 Publication Information: Book Title: Cultures of United States Imperialism. Contributors: Amy Kaplan - editor, Donald E. Pease - editor. Publisher: Duke University Press. Place of Publication: Durham, NC. Publication Year: 1993. Page Number: 22. Donald E. Pease New Perspectives on U.S. Culture and Imperialism 22-38 T he idea for this volume germinated in the shadow of three macropolitical events -- the end of the cold war, the Persian Gulf War, and the Columbian quincentennial. While the breakdown of cold war ideology made formerly submerged heterogeneous cultural histories available to public and scholarly discourse, clashes over the celebration of the Discovery made visible an absent imperial history that the Gulf War, in its renewal of an imperial synthesis, threatened once again to eclipse. Contested by alternative histories, the official celebration of the Discovery covered up what Richard Van Alstyne had demonstrated persuasively in Rising American Empire; namely, that U.S. culture was from its origins grounded on "an imperium -- a dominion, state or sovereignty that would expand in population and territory, and increase in strength and power." 1 Although the United States' imperial nationalism was predicated on the superiority of military and political organization as well as economic wealth, it depended for its efficacy on a range of cultural technologies, among which colonialist policies (exercised both internally and abroad) of conquest and dominion figured prominently. The invasive settlement of the Americas provided a vast space wherein were linked as related claims on the "unmapped territories" the imperatives of reason and conquest. In shaping the "New World" according to the demands of the emergent sciences of geography, botany, and anthropology, imperialism understood itself primarily as a cultural project involved in naming, classifying, textualizing, appropriating, exterminating, demarcating, and governing a new regime. The anthropological concept of culture depended upon the Americas as the theater for colonial encounters wherein it discovered its objects as well as its mode of knowledge. When resitu- -22- |
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Publication Information: Book Title: Cultures of United States Imperialism. Contributors: Amy Kaplan - editor, Donald E. Pease - editor. Publisher: Duke University Press. Place of Publication: Durham, NC. Publication Year: 1993. Page Number: 37.
| Richard W. Van Alstyne, The Rising American Empire ( New York: Norton, 1974), p. 1. See also Michael W. Doyle, Empires ( Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986), and Walter La Feber, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansionism ( Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1963). | |
| For a further elaboration of this history, see Donald E. Pease, "New Americanists: Revisionist Interventions into the Canon," boundary 2 17, no. 1 ( Spring 1990): 1-37. | |
Such a view enabled the editors of The Empire Writes Back to count the United States among the anticolonial nations.
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Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures ( London and New York: Routledge, 1989), p. 2.
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| "Make My Day!" Spectacle as Amnesia in Imperial Politics Michel Rogin 499-535 I T he thief hides the purloined letter, in Edgar Allan Poe's story, by placing it in plain sight. His theft is overlooked because no attempt is made to conceal it. The crimes of the postmodern American empire, I want to suggest, are concealed in the same way. Covert operations actually function as spectacle. So let us begin like Poe's Inspector Dupin and attend to the evidence before our eyes. 1 The last Republican president of the United States was a Hollywood actor. His vice president, the man who succeeded him, was the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. To understand how the career paths of these two men, rather than discrediting either them or the political system in which they had risen to the top, uniquely prepared them for the presidency is to name the two political peculiarities of the postmodern American empire: on the one hand the domination of public politics by the spectacle and on the other the spread of covert operations and a secret foreign policy. "Going public," Samuel Kernell's phrase for the shift from institutionalized, pluralist bargaining among stable, elite coalitions to appeals to the mass public, coexists with going private, the spread of hidden, unaccountable decision making within the executive branch. How are we to think about the relationship between the two? 2 It may seem that spectacle and secrecy support each other by a division of labor, one being public and the other private, one sell- -499- |
ing or disguising the foreign policy made by the other. The Iran /Contra exposure broke down that division, on this view, by revealing a secret-foreign policy that not only violated public law against aiding the Contras but also contradicted public denunciations of the Ayatollah...
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| 1. | There are risks in adopting the Inspector Dupin position, as D.A. Miller has pointed out to me most forcefully. It will position me as the subject supposed to know, detecting crimes that others overlook. Given the direction of the argument, this will cast me as the double of my white, male target, not only antagonizing white men who do not see themselves defined by imperial American political culture but also speaking for women and people of color in the name of coming to their defense. Acknowledging this risk hardly disarms it. But being unable to envision criticism without a place to stand, the best response I can make to such suspicions is the argument of the essay itself. |
| 2. | Samuel Kernell, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership ( Washington, D.C., 1986). The depiction of imperial political culture on which I am about to embark identifies operating mentalities, powerful forces, and individuals in whom they reside. I am concentrating on extreme tendencies that came to a head during the Reagan years and, as the current legal indictments facing some of these individuals attest, however powerful in our history and politics and however sanitized in respectable accounts thereof, they have not always gotten their way. Nonetheless, the Bush regime represents the normalization of the politics of the Reagan era, not their reversal. Anti-Communism undergirded the Reaganite shift from domestic welfare to military spending, the expansion of secret government, and the conduct of foreign policy as spectacle. The advertised end of the cold war has reversed none of these developments, and, insofar as the drug war and the defense of traditional family values inherit the role of anti-Communism, that will intensify what I link here to going public and going private in foreign policy, the racialist basis of American politics. |
| 3. | San Francisco Chronicle, March 19, 1987, p. 15. |
| 4. | The sources for this paragraph are Don Moldea, Dark Victory ( New York, 1986); Garry Wills, Innocents at Home ( New York, 1987); and Michael Rogin, "Ronald Reagan", the Movie, and Other Episodes in Political Demonology ( Berkeley, 1987), pp. 1-43. |
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